Ahmad Jannati, Secretary of the clerical regime’s Guardian Council and a leading figure in the faction affiliated to Khamenei, reiterated in his Friday prayers sermon on the need to uphold the “velayat-e faqih” (absolute rule of clergy). By referring to the nationwide uprising he said, “Rioters… advocates of corruption on earth… those who try to shatter the structure [of the regime]… the enemies of the revolution who intend to topple [the regime]… must not be treated with compassion. Kindheartedness is enough, it is now time for toughness.”
On Friday, the residents of southern Iranian city of Shiraz who had gathered on the fortieth day after the death of Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, ripped and burned the two meter wide portrait of symbols of the clerical regime, Khamenei and Khomeini, in city’s Nowdan Boulevard.
In a similar ceremony held in central city of Qom, a number of young people who had participated in the event were arrested. They were beaten and transferred to an unknown location. The plainclothes and the Ministry of Intelligence and Security agents were actively taking pictures of participants but they captured a young man who was filming the event. He was taken away by the agents while beating and abusing him.
Amnesty International has condemned the execution of two men arrested during protests that followed Iran’s disputed presidential election last year.
Mohammad Reza Ali-Zamani and Arash Rahmanipour were hanged on Thursday after being convicted in unfair trials of “enmity against God” and being members of Anjoman-e Padeshahi-e Iran (API), a banned group which advocates the restoration of an Iranian monarchy.
They are the first executions known to be related to the post-election violence that erupted across Iran in June and has continued since.
“These shocking executions show that the Iranian authorities will stop at nothing to stamp out the peaceful protests that persist since the election,” said Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui, Amnesty International’s Middle East and North Africa Deputy Director.
“These men were first unfairly convicted and now they have been unjustly killed – it is not even clear they had links to this group as their ‘confessions’ appear to have been made under duress.”
According to the Iranian authorities, at least nine other people are currently on death row in Iran after being sentenced to death in similar post-election ‘show trials’.
“Our fear is that these executions are just the beginning of a wave of executions of those tried on similar vaguely worded charges,” said Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui.
Mohammad Reza Ali-Zamani and Arash Rahmanipour were convicted of “enmity against God” by Tehran’s Revolutionary Court in October. They were also convicted of “propaganda against the system”, “insulting the holy sanctities” and “gathering and colluding with intent to harm national internal security”.
Mohammad Reza Ali-Zamani was accused of illegally visiting Iraq where he was alleged to have met US military officials.
Arash Rahmanipour’s lawyer says he played no role in the election protests and was forced to confess in a “show trial” after members of his family were threatened.
The two men’s lawyers were not informed of their clients’ executions, as is required by Iranian law.
“These executions highlight how the justice system is used as an instrument of repression by the authorities. They are sending a warning to those who may wish to exercise their right to peacefully demonstrate against the government, not to go out in the street,” said Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui.
Further anti-government demonstrations are widely expected to take place on the anniversary of the Islamic Revolution on 11 February.
According to Iranian officials, over 40 people have died in demonstrations since the election, which were violently repressed by the security forces. Amnesty International believes the number to be much higher. More than 5,000 people have been arrested, many of whom were tortured or otherwise ill-treated.
Scores have been sentenced to prison terms, and in some cases flogging, after unfair trials, and at least 11 have been sentenced to death. One man – Hamed Rouhinejad – has had his death sentence commuted on appeal in January 2010.
• Hanging of at least 16 prisoners following Ashura uprising on December 27
The mullahs’ regime, fearful of heightening of the popular uprising in February and to create an atmosphere of intimidation, once again has increased the number of executions.
In Esfahan, on January 27, Jamshid Hadian, a 51-year-old prisoner was hanged before the bewildered eyes of the people outside the mullahs’ revolutionary court. He was accused of killing Ahmad Reza Tavallai, Esfahan’s deputy prosecutor, by firearms on March 16, 2009.
In Zahedan, provincial capital of Sistan and Baluchistan, Khodayar Rahmat Zehi Shahnavazi, 35, a Sunni prisoner was hanged after four years of imprisonment. He was arrested in front of his house following an explosion.
In Ardebil, a prisoner was hanged on January 22 after two years of imprisonment.
A prisoner in Tabriz indentified as Rahim Mohammadi, was executed on January 20 without notifying his lawyer or his family.
In Khash, Allahnazar Shahli, a 26-year-old man from Baluchistan, was hanged.
Hanging of Ardehsir Keshavarz, a 35-year-old Kurd in Karaj’s Gohardasht prison, accused of killing a member of the State Security Force in Kermanshah on December 30, 2009, hanging of three prisoners in Khorvin prison of Varamin on January 4, execution of Fasih Yasamani, a 28-year-old Kurdish prisoner after close to two years imprisonment in Khoi prison and execution of 6 prisoners in Esfahan Central prison on January 9, are amongst the executions taking place after the people’s uprising on holy day of Ashura (December 27).
Simultaneous with the Iranian regime’s increasing internal feuding and defection, Khamenei’s spokesman said in Friday prayer sermon “if you want to stay in Iran, you must abide the Supreme leader in practice” Mullah Ahmad Khatami, in today’s Friday prayer sermon warned the critics within the regime that “if they want to stay in the country”, they have to stop making “double-sided positions” and have to “abide in practice the guidance of the Supreme leader (vali-e faqih)” because “preserving the regime is the most important duty”. He emphasized that “there are only two fronts: a front of the revolution and a front of the counter revolution” and questioned “where do you stand; this side or that side?” This criminal mullah, who has come to the scene after Khamenei’s speech to elaborate his warnings, stressed that “cases of moharebin’s (enemies of God) are separate and the law has determined their fates.” While the religious fascism ruling Iran is faced with growing internal feuding and defection, one of Khamenei’s spokesmen and one of the cruelest criminals of the regime vowed suppression against internal critics and rivals, and admitted that the regime does not have any tolerance even with its internal factions. This clearly underlines the need and urgency of its overthrow.
Enough Is Enough: Why we can no longer remain on the sidelines in the struggle for regime change in Iran.January 23, 2010
By Richard N. Haass | NEWSWEEK
Published Jan 22, 2010
Two schools of thought have traditionally competed to determine how America should approach the world. Realists believe we should care most about what states do beyond their borders—that influencing their foreign policy ought to be Washington’s priority. Neoconservatives often contend the opposite: they argue that what matters most is the nature of other countries, what happens inside their borders. The neocons believe this both for moral reasons and because democracies (at least mature ones) treat their neighbors better than do authoritarian regimes.
Crackdown and Confrontation – After the contested election, the protests outlasted Tehran’s patience.
… Diplomacy and negotiations are seen not as favors to bestow but as tools to employ. The other options—using military force against Iranian nuclear facilities or living with an Iranian nuclear bomb—were judged to be tremendously unattractive. And if diplomacy failed, Obama reasoned, it would be easier to build domestic and international support for more robust sanctions. At the time, I agreed with him.
I’ve changed my mind. The nuclear talks are going nowhere. The Iranians appear intent on developing the means to produce a nuclear weapon; there is no other explanation for the secret uranium-enrichment facility discovered near the holy city of Qum. Fortunately, their nuclear program appears to have hit some technical snags, which puts off the need to decide whether to launch a preventive strike. Instead we should be focusing on another fact: Iran may be closer to profound political change than at any time since the revolution that ousted the shah 30 years ago.
The authorities overreached in their blatant manipulation of last June’s presidential election, and then made matters worse by brutally repressing those who protested. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has lost much of his legitimacy, as has the “elected” president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
The United States, European governments, and others should shift their Iran policy toward increasing the prospects for political change. Leaders should speak out for the Iranian people and their rights. President Obama did this on Dec. 28 after several protesters were killed on the Shia holy day of Ashura, and he should do so again. So should congressional and world leaders. Iran’s Revolutionary Guards should be singled out for sanctions. Lists of their extensive financial holdings can be published on the Internet. The United States should press the European Union and others not to trade or provide financing to selected entities controlled by the Guards. Just to cite one example: the Revolutionary Guards now own a majority share of Iran’s principal telecommunications firm; no company should furnish it the technology to deny or monitor Internet use.
New funding for the project housed at Yale University that documents human-rights abuses in Iran is warranted. If the U.S. government won’t reverse its decision not to provide the money, then a foundation or wealthy individuals should step in. Such a registry might deter some members of the Guards or the million-strong Basij militia it controls from attacking or torturing members of the opposition. And even if not, the gesture will signal to Iranians that the world is taking note of their struggle.
It is essential to bolster what people in Iran know. Outsiders can help to provide access to the Internet, the medium that may be the most important means for getting information into Iran and facilitating communication among the opposition. The opposition also needs financial support from the Iranian diaspora so that dissidents can stay politically active once they have lost their jobs.
Just as important as what to do is what to avoid. Congressmen and senior administration figures should avoid meeting with the regime. Any and all help for Iran’s opposition should be nonviolent. Iran’s opposition should be supported by Western governments, not led. In this vein, outsiders should refrain from articulating specific political objectives other than support for democracy and an end to violence and unlawful detention. Sanctions on Iran’s gasoline imports and refining, currently being debated in Congress, should be pursued at the United Nations so international focus does not switch from the illegality of Iran’s behavior to the legality of unilateral American sanctions. Working-level negotiations on the nuclear question should continue. But if there is an unexpected breakthrough, Iran’s reward should be limited. Full normalization of relations should be linked to meaningful reform of Iran’s politics and an end to Tehran’s support of terrorism.
Critics will say promoting regime change will encourage Iranian authorities to tar the opposition as pawns of the West. But the regime is already doing so. Outsiders should act to strengthen the opposition and to deepen rifts among the rulers. This process is underway, and while it will take time, it promises the first good chance in decades to bring about an Iran that, even if less than a model country, would nonetheless act considerably better at home and abroad. Even a realist should recognize that it’s an opportunity not to be missed.
Haass, president of The Council on Foreign Relations, is author of War of Necessity, War of Choice: A Memoir of Two Iraq Wars.
Det Iranske Regimet prøver forgjeves å legitimere påbudet om tilsløring ved å kalle dette et “nasjonalt antrekk” og en “kulturarv”. Regimet sier også at tilsløring er “en moralsk arv”.January 20, 2010
NCRI- Det geistlige regimet og dets president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, prøvde å forklare sitt middelalderske konsept om tvungen tilsløring som et “nasionalt antrekk”—med bemerkninger som smakte av absurditet og demagogi.
Under et latterlig “show”, kalt “Seremoni for Nasjonal Registrering av Chador som slør for Iransk Etnisitet “: Ahmadinejad forsøkte å samle en rekke latterlige utsagn og uttrykk som f. eks. “Preferanse for selv-tilsløring “–“Iranske menn og kvinner har tildekket seg gjennom hele historien “-og “Chador er et fullstendig antrekk .” Dette for å mildne den tvang og undertrykkelse mullaene har presset på iranske kvinner .
Ahmadinejad fremla også en bisarr historieforfalskning : “Det er oppdaget i mer enn tre tusen år gamle relikvier at chador var blant klærne som iranske kvinner brukte dengang .” Så fortsatte Ahmadinejad med å påstå at etterspørselen etter chador i resten av verden var stor , og at dette ville lede til salgsframstøt . ( Stats-eide Fars nyhetsbyrå )—16 januar 2010.
Mullaenes president , som spilte på den vulgære og avskyelige praksis til Det teokratiske regimet angående kvinner , insisterte ennå en gang på kjønnsapartheid under Prestestyret og sa :” I kontrast til Vesten , vil vi aldri si at menn og kvinner er like .”
Ms. Sarvnaz Chitsaz, styreleder i Womens Committee of The National council of Resistance of Iran , beskrev den latterlige raslingen av mullaenes marionette , Ahmadinejad , som en gjenspeiling av den reaksjonære og råtne kulturen til prestene !
De frihetselskende kvinner og jenter , som nå er i fronten av Det Iranske Folkets opprør , har i løpet av de tre siste tiår , lært mullaene , deres agenter og fullmektige en uforglemmelig lekse: Med sine slagord : Død over Khamenei og Død over det absolutte geistlige prinsippet . Velayat e faqih ( Vokterrådet ) –
Iranske kvinner har utfordret helheten i prestestyret , og den dagen er ikke langt borte , da disse kvinner vil kaste det klerikale regimet og dets avskyelige og middelalderske kultur ned i historiens papirkurv !
Women’s Committee of the National Council of Resistance of Iran .